Bingo playing and problem gambling: A review of our current knowledge

 Our current knowledge about problem gambling and bingo-playing

Abstract

Bingo is a very popular game of gambling. Research on bingo has been limited to qualitative research. It is therefore difficult to know the prevalence of bingo, the risks associated with regular playing of bingo, and how it might influence the development of problem gambling. The current paper examines the literature regarding bingo in Western nations using published articles that focus on bingo as well as reports from wide-based gambling surveys which include data about bingo participation. Data shows that teenagers are more likely to play bingo in the past year than ever before. Females and those in poor physical health had the highest participation rates among the adult population. The three most common bingo players were low-income, senior, and young people. While bingo is considered to be a "soft" gambling option, there are potential problems.

Introduction

Problem gambling continues to be recognized as a serious public health problem (Korn & Shaffer (1999). But not all forms are equally risky. Bingo, which is often considered low-risk gambling, has not received much attention from gambling researchers. Early studies described bingo as a fairly innocuous leisure activity. It was popular among working class women seeking entertainment, friendship, and socialization (Dixey 1997, 1996; King 1990). Nowadays, bingo is seen as a social activity that doesn't require deviance. It also enjoys a feeling of benevolence, due to its association with fundraising efforts (Chapple & Nofziger; Derevensky Gupta Messerlian & Gillepsie (2004)). Ethnographic accounts of recent years have revealed the negative side to bingo. These include signs and symptoms that are seen in regular bingo players and may indicate excessive gambling or the development and maintenance of problem gambling (Chapple & Nofziger 2000; O'Brien Cousins & Witcher 2004, 2007; Maclure Smith, Wood Leblanc, Li, & Cuffaro 2006).

While some progress has been made in studying the adverse effects on players, the dual-sided nature that bingo is both a source of entertainment and a potential danger to players remains a mystery. The lack of a theoretical framework has meant that previous research on bingo was limited to sociological perspectives, using qualitative methods to examine and understand regular bingo players' experiences. Studies have not included regular female bingo players, who often had problems gambling. There is little information available about the frequency of regular bingo play, the risks involved in it, and how this could influence the development of problem gambling.

The bingo industry in Western countries has changed and grown since the 1980s to draw a greater and more diverse player base (Dixey 1996) Modernization efforts have included the development, expansion, and cash prize for high-stakes bingo, of electronic bingo, land-based bingo networks, hundreds of online bingo sites, and the appearance of bingo on television. These marketing strategies have allowed bingo to reach a younger audience. Between 1982 and 1999, the number of UK bingo players younger than 35 years old doubled (Dixey 1996, Lamacraft, 1999). In Canada, 8.6% to 19.8% of high school students had played bingo at least once during the past year (Phare Lane & Elliott-Erickson 2007,; Dube Tremblay Traore & Martin 2007,). The increase in young bingo players is concerning as adolescents and young adults are more at risk of developing gambling-related problems (Derevensky and colleagues, 2004). Given the rapid growth of the bingo industry, it is important to gain a better knowledge of the game and to understand the unique risks that are involved.

This paper provides a thorough review of literature regarding problem gambling and bingo. Published articles with a focus on bingo were selected using the MEDLINE and PsycInfo databases, as well as materials retrieved through bibliography-directed searches. The inclusion criteria for research articles focusing on bingo were: (1) studies done in the Western World (i.e., in countries of Western Europe or North America), (2) studies where bingo was the primary focus. Keywords that were key to the search were bingo, problem gambling and gambling. Our search yielded 17 studies that met these criteria. Six studies were conducted in Britain (Dixey & Talbot, 1986; Dixey,87, 1996; Downes, Davies, David, & Stone, 1975; Griffiths & Bingham, 1972; Griffiths & Bingham, 2005), six in New Zealand (Clarke & Rossen, 2001), six in America (Burger, 1993; Chapple & Nofziger,2000, King, 1985a, 1987, 90; Reitz,2004), and three in Canada (Maclure & O'Brien Cousins & Witcher,2006; O'Brien Cousins & Witcher,2004; Witcher, O'Brien Cousins & Witcher, 2005; Witcher, O'Brien Cousins & Witcher, O'Brien Cousins & Witcher, O'Brien Cousins & Witcher, 2006. Since previous research on bingo has mostly been qualitative, we need to look at quantitative data to determine the prevalence of bingo, player characteristics, as well as relationships between bingo and problem gambling. To this end, we collected reports on large-scale gambling surveys which questioned participation in bingo and other forms of gambling. Google web searches helped us identify gambling surveys. These reports, which were published in Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the United States between 2001 and 2007, were selected.

Below is a review of qualitative data from bingo-focused studies. First, we will describe the game of Bingo and some of its unique aspects. Next, we will describe typical bingo player behaviors. The second section contains a summary and analysis of quantitative data regarding bingo. This includes player characteristics, frequency and prevalence of play. Quantitative data are also considered to examine the link between problem gambling and bingo. Finally, we discuss the current research as a whole and offer suggestions for future research.

Qualitative Data

The Game of Bingo

The origins of bingo are traced back to a Genoese lottery played across Europe in the 16th Century. Although bingo is used in the name of many games, the actual game was invented in Jacksonville, Florida. It was brought to New York City by Carl Leffler in 1929. After that, it spread throughout the United States during the Great Depression (Schwartz (2006)). Carl Leffler, a Columbia University math professor, developed 6,000 non-repeating bingo cards. The game was quickly adopted as a fundraising tool by churches and charities. The fact that "bingo laid the groundwork for the acceptance by the public of gambling as a reasonable fund-raising tool" is particularly significant (Schwartz (2006) p. 388).

Bingo is a game purely based on luck. Randomly drawn numbers are drawn, and players mark off the numbers that correspond to their cards. The cards feature randomly chosen numbers that have been arranged in columns or rows (usually five-by-5 matrices). You can follow the sequence of numbers one by one as you play the game in real time. This adds excitement to the anticipation of the final outcome. When a player has a unique combination or numbers that completes a pattern pre-specified (e.g. five-in a row), the game is over. To signify they have a winning ticket, the winner usually calls out "Bingo!" Bingo is a game that is ongoing and has a slow outcome. This contrasts with other games like video lottery terminals (VLTs) or lottery scratch tickets (Lotto). Players often report a moderate level to high level excitement. (Chapple & Nofziger (2000). Traditional bingo is a game where players have minimal involvement. They only need to mark the numbers on their bingo cards. Contrary to the lottery draw, bingo players must physically be present throughout the game. The bingo culture is full of superstitions and practices that are believed to affect the outcome of the game. The practice of "reserving" seats and wearing "lucky" outfits may be used by players (Griffiths & Bingham (2005). Bingo is played at bingo halls, churches, community centres, and casino. Contrary to bingo halls that offer socialization opportunities and larger cash prizes, bingo at casinos is less popular.

The introduction of electronic bingo means that numbers are now marked on the cards. Bingo players can then simply watch the game unfold. The machine tells players how many numbers they need to win before they can be awarded a prize. This adds an element that creates excitement and suspense. Online bingo is now available in the form a network in which players from various jurisdictions compete against each other for a cumulative jackpot often exceeding $100,000. Online bingo is now available on more than 100 internet sites. This allows you to have fun and make money. These websites often use structural properties (design, color, and content) in order to target adolescents (Derevensky & Gupta 2007, 2007).

Bingo Players' Behaviour

The majority of bingo players see bingo as a game based on luck or chance (King, 1990, Griffiths & Bingham in 2005). Yet, many studies and clinical observations have reported that some bingo players use superstitious beliefs. Dixey (1987), found that many bingo players follow a set of rituals. These include purchasing the cards in a specific order, selecting the same place, wearing lucky clothes, and using certain pens and daubers. Chapple (2000) and Nofziger (1999) observed that bingo players use coins, rocks and figurines during play. They also noticed that framed photos are moved around on the cards when numbers are called. King (1990), argued that "assigning fortune to an object or practice, is an ongoing procedure" (p.57), and that some players believe that their actions both inside and outside of the bingo hall can have a significant impact on how much they win (p. 53). Griffiths and Bingham, however, found that bingo players reported more quotidian superstitious beliefs, such as the belief that the number 13, which is considered unlucky, was more common than those related to specific bingo games (e.g. sitting in the same place for luck).

There have been many theories about the possibility of superstition being used in bingo. Bingham and Griffiths (2005) suggested superstitious beliefs could be just a way to bring excitement to the game. King (1990), believes that bingo players have to choose between playing for charity or winning. According to King (1990), players use a variety of strategies to deflect responsibility for winning and justify their involvement. Superstitious behaviours and attributions of luck to objects can be used by players to put emphasis on the chances of winning. This reduces commitment to play to win. King points out that players often justify their bingo play by emphasizing the charitable aspects.

Other than that, players might resort to superstitious methods in bingo as a way of dealing with unpredictable outcomes. (Reith and colleagues, 1999). But it isn't clear whether bingo players believe they have any control over the outcome. This is a crucial question because problem gambling is often linked to illusions of control (Joukhador Maccallum & Blaszczynski). Chapple and Nofziger(2000) discovered that bingo players who use charms to win bingo believe that the charm can affect the game's outcome. According to informal observations, they found that bingo players with the largest collection or shrines of charms played more cards.

Griffiths and Bingham's 2005 study only found one significant result regarding superstitious beliefs while playing bingo. This was that a higher percentage of heavy gamblers (those who spend PS20 more in one bingo hall visit) reported that they always sat on the same seat to luck. Burger's (1991), experimental study on the desire for control when playing games of chance found that superstitious bingo players have a low level of control and do not consider themselves to be in control. According to the author, these players might give control to luck objects or another source if they believe that this will lead to a better outcome. This observation is in line with other studies that have shown superstitious beliefs and practices. It also reflects the fact that bingo players see bingo as a game, not a skill, and therefore do not feel the need to control the outcome (Griffiths and Bingham 2005; King 1990). There has not been much research to determine the link between superstition, bingo play and it.

Quantitative data

Prevalence of and frequency of play

We reviewed data related to bingo from reports that were based upon large-scale gambling surveys. These studies were conducted mostly within certain regions in Western countries (e.g. state-wide in the US and province-wide within Canada). Table 1 gives a summary of how bingo is played across regions. Past-year participation in bingo among adolescents ranged between 1.5% in Nevada (Volberg), to 19.8% in Alberta (Phare, MacKay & Patton, 2007). It was less popular with the general adult population. The last year's participation ranged from 1.9% (Ministry of Health, New Zealand) to 12.9% (Lemaire, MacKay & Patton,2008).

Only two surveys had data on the frequency of teenage bingo players. Nevada had 0.1% of its adolescents playing bingo monthly, and none weekly (Volberg (2002). A recent study in New York State showed that 2% (aged 12 to 18) of the students in grades 7-12 played bingo for cash 20 or more times in the past year (Rainone & Gallati (2007)). Unfortunately, data on bingo play among adolescents is not available. This makes it difficult to establish if this activity is important in younger populations. The frequency of bingo playing among adults was not as well documented. The average monthly bingo participation varied greatly from 0.4% in California, Volberg, Nysse-Carris, & Gerstein, (2006) to 7% in New Brunswick (New Brunswick Department of Health & Wellness,2001), while weekly bingo play varied across regions (Volberg 2002, Volberg Bernhard, 2006.; Braid & Volberg, 2008.; New Brunswick Department of Health & Wellness,2001).

Gamblers are not the only ones who play bingo, but it is also different in each region. Volberg and Bernhard (2006) stated that New Mexico's gambling population had 4.3% who played bingo in their life but not in the last year. 2.0% were past-year players, 3.4% were monthly bingo players, and 2.5% were week players. In the UK, 35% and 55% of bingo players were weekly participants (Wardle. Sproston. Orford. Erens. Griffiths. Constantine et. al., 2007; New Brunswick Department of Health & Wellness 2001). Griffiths (2002) and Bingham (2002) reported similar results in a survey of 412 UK bingo players. 57% participated once or twice per week, 17% three times per month, and 3% played five to seven times per week. In Saskatchewan, the three most common weekly gambling activities are buying lottery tickets (34.2%), playing Bingo (23.9%), or Sport Select (23.5%) (Wynne (2002).

Although past-year bingo usage appears to be higher among teenagers, it's likely that adults play more bingo. The weekly participation rate for bingo was higher than that of other games. This finding confirms previous findings that bingo is the most popular gambling activity among bingo players (Dixey and colleagues 1996). Bingo is the most popular gambling activity. The frequency of play for adults varies between regions. It may also depend on availability, hours, and accessibility. As adolescents, there may be differences in participation rates due to age restrictions specific to their region. According to Table 1, the data on adolescents shows that a higher percentage of teenagers play bingo in countries where the legal age for playing bingo is lower. Nevada has the lowest annual prevalence rate of 1.5%. Therefore, people under 21 cannot participate in all forms of regulated gambling such as bingo, casino, and horse-race wagering. Volberg, 2002. Individuals as young as 18 are allowed to play bingo in Ontario and Quebec. These provinces have high participation rates (8.6% and 97%, respectively). New York State has a higher prevalence rate than Ontario and Quebec (15%). Individuals younger than 18 can play bingo with an adult if they are accompanied (Humphrey 2005). Alberta has the highest bingo participation rate (19.8%) (Phare and colleagues, 2007). Therefore, small non-association licensees of bingo can apply to be exempt from current policy. This will allow minors to participate in bingo for small cash prizes, not exceeding $50 (Alberta Gaming and Liquor Commission (2009)). Figure 1. This illustration shows the apparent inverse relationship between bingo participation among adolescents and age restriction.

It is clear that there is considerable variation in the frequency and prevalence of bingo participation among regions. While these variations can partly be attributed to differences in gambling participation among regions, it is possible that a large portion of the variability is due unreliable data. For example, take two separate gambling studies in Ontario that were done in 2001 and 2006. (Kelly et. al. 2001; Wiebe Mun, Kauffman 2006). Kelly et.al. According to Kelly et.al., 9.7% of Ontario residents played bingo while Wiebe, Mun, & Kauffman reported a prevalence close to half at 4.8%. Although it is possible that the difference is due to a decrease in popularity of bingo between 2001 and 2006, it is likely that the error variance is greater. There are likely to be less reliable results because gambling studies are often conducted by different groups of researchers from different regions. They use different sampling methods and questionnaire wordings. The cited data can only be used to get rough estimates of the number of people who play bingo in Western countries. However, they cannot be used to compare different regions. The difficulty of integrating cross-regional data points to the need for greater uniformity in the methods used in large-scale data collection in gambling. how to be lucky at a game called bingo